It didn’t take members of PBA Local 314 of the Monmouth County Sheriff’s Office long to figure it out, though. In an anonymous complaint to the Treasury Department in May 2010, one PBA member noted that Donovan, was “working out of title as the CHIEF SHERIFFS OFFICER,” but was listed as the chief warrant officer so he did not have to pay 8.5 percent of his salary toward pension payments, as other officers did.
“Donovan makes 85K and does not pay any of it to pensions. He should pay over 7K. What is more egregious he is still collecting his pension from the prosecutor’s office. With all the pension reform and corruption out there in New Jersey this former law enforcement officer is abusing the public: by collecting a pension, working in a job with a pension and not paying into the pension. THAT IS ILLEGAL!!!!!!!!”
Lagerkvist agreed. “What makes this case different from the usual double-dipping is that you have somebody in high office who made false statements to allow the pension system to be cheated,” he said. “We have a governor in Christie who has taken steps to make the pension system more solvent by eliminating cost-of-living increases and raising pension contributions, but all of that falls on the back of the average worker.” “Meanwhile, you have a privileged class of public officials and their cronies who are allowed to goose countless millions from a pension system facing a $51 billion shortfall. Chris Christie certainly didn’t invent double-dipping, but he did little to stop it. Look at the double-dippers working in the governor’s office -- and think about what his own lieutenant governor did,” Lagerkvist said.
Guadagno already had been elected as Christie’s lieutenant-governor when Wieners, as president of the 33,000-member state PBA, formally complained to the state Division of Pension and Benefits three times between February 2010 and January 2011 “that Mr. Donovan’s status is Chief Warrant Officer, but he clearly is working in the capacity of Chief of the Sheriff’s Department,” according toby Superior Court Judge Mary Jacobson.
Furthermore, Wieners, who was worried about the growing deficit in the PFRS pensions system, urged the Division of Pensions and Benefits to investigate what he saw as a growing trend of retired law enforcement officers being assigned to management job titles outside the pension system that enabled them -- like Donovan -- to collect both pensions and paychecks simultaneously.
Nowhere is that trend more pronounced that in the 21 county sheriff’s offices. In fact, 17 out of 21 county sheriffs are retired law enforcement officers who simultaneously collect their pensions and their sheriff’s salaries, and 29 of their undersheriffs are also double-dippers who collect both pensions and salaries, according to New Jersey Watchdog. (Donovan was promoted to undersheriff -- a higher exempt title -- in 2011 after Wieners and Lagerkvist began making inquiries.) Chief sheriff’s officers, however, are pensionable positions, which is why the PFRS Board in May 2011 voted to formally ask the Attorney General’s Office to launch a criminal investigation not only of the Donovan pension sleight-of-hand, but also of Essex County Sheriff Armando Fontoura’s altering of retiree John Dough’s title from chief sheriff’s officer to chief warrant officer. The PFRS Board also asked for a criminal inquiry into Union County Sheriff Ralph Froelich’s hiring of retiree Harold Gibson, his top deputy, as “clerk to constitutional officer.”
Despite potential conflicts of interest posed by Guadagno’s former status as deputy director of the Division of Criminal Justice from 1998 to 2001, where she had supervised some of those who presumably would now be investigating her, and the political difficulties inherent in asking high-ranking members of the Christie administration to investigate Christie’s lieutenant-governor, neither Christie nor then-Attorney General Paula Dow opted to appoint a special prosecutor or independent investigator. Instead the case was referred to the Division of Criminal Justice.
The handling of the Guadagno case contrasted sharply withand the Gibson Dunn Crutcher law firm to conduct an investigation of the governor’s office’s involvement in Bridgegate. According to an all-inclusive index of documents related to the Division of Criminal Justice investigation that Jacobson ordered released, the Division of Criminal Justice apparently did nothing but collect articles and documents during the first year in which it was supposed to be conducting a criminal investigation into the Donovan, Dough and Gibson cases.
Finally, on June 14, 2012, Deputy Attorney General Anthony Picione sent a confidential “memorandum regarding the status of DCJ’s investigation” to DCJ Director Stephen Taylor and to Christine Hoffman, chief of DCJ’s corruption bureau.
Jacobson did not order the release of that document -- which would show the extent of the investigation conducted by the division -- agreeing that the confidentiality of criminal investigation files outweighed the public’s right to know in this instance.
A week later, Hoffman wrote a letter to the PFRS Board of Trustees simply stating that the investigation had been closed, but she did not share the findings of the investigation with the police pension board.
It was not until this February -- 20 months later – that the board’s staff shared the letter with the PFRS board members, who were displeased that the letter did not disclose anything about the investigation’s findings.
“If this is closed, when are we going to find out the outcome?” PFRS trustee. “I just want to know how they came to their conclusion.”
The PFRS Board subsequently voted to ask the Division of Criminal Justice for its case files.
Lagerkvist had already sought the release of all relevant Division of Criminal Justice and Treasury Department records through an Open Public Records Act (OPRA) request. When the state refused, he filed a pair of lawsuits that the Attorney General’s Office fought for months, just as it has fought to prevent disclosure of internal records related to its decision not to pursue the 2010 indictments of Hunterdon County Sheriff Deborah Trout and two of her aides, and the subsequent.
Lagerkvist won a partial victory last month with the release of most of the DCJ and Treasury documents he had requested, but noted that the failure of the DCJ index to include any letters or emails requesting information in the case or any notes or transcripts of interviews most likely indicates that neither Guadagno nor other key witnesses were interviewed.
Guadagno and other Christie administration officials have not responded to requests for interviews or comment on the case.
To Lagerkvist, the bottom line on the Guadagno-Donovan case and its handling by the Christie administration is clear.
“What we’re witnessing is a pattern of behavior that appears dishonest, unethical, secretive, self-serving and quite possibly illegal,” Lagerkvist said. “From an administration that supposedly champions reforms, it is also an epitome of hypocrisy.”